Top 10 House Races to Watch on Election Night

All 435 seats in the House of Representatives are up for election on Nov. 8. The Democrats currently hold a 221–212 advantage in the House, with two vacancies, although based on polling figures, the Republicans appear poised to capture a majority in the chamber this year.

RealClearPolitics gauges 228 seats as leaning, likely, or solidly Republican, 174 similarly poised to go Democratic, and 33 as toss-ups. Most of the toss-up seats currently belong to Democrats. If Republicans win the night, as generally predicted, the big question will be how big the “red wave” will be and the size of the Republicans’ majority.

Analysts differ on the key races. That list includes some that are seen as bellwethers, or areas where outcomes tend to mirror broader trends. The list also includes some races in which veteran lawmakers are in a tight race to defend their seats.

Here’s a list of 10 House races to watch on election night.

With rural areas across the country tending to vote red and big cities inclined toward voting blue, the battle nowadays is in the purple suburbs. During the Trump presidency, suburban voters drifted away from Republicans. A question to be answered on Nov. 8 is whether Democrats, buoyed by issues such as abortion, can keep suburbanites in their column or whether Republicans, who have tied a bad economy to Biden administration policies, can draw them back.

Nickel, a veteran Democratic politician, served as an advance man for Al Gore in the 1990s and for the White House during Barack Obama’s presidency. He ran for office unsuccessfully in his native California before moving to North Carolina and going to work as a criminal defense attorney.

Hines, 25, grew up in the Charlotte area. He played football for a year at North Carolina State before transferring to Yale and playing there as well. If elected, he would become one of the youngest members of Congress.

Each candidate epitomizes what his party’s voters in North Carolina seek right now: Nickel as a relative moderate and Hines as a Trump-backed conservative.

“It’s like two districts rolled into one,” Democratic strategist Morgan Jackson of Raleigh told The Epoch Times about the 13th District. “It’s the closest, most swing race in North Carolina. It’s truly a jump ball.”

It’s the second most likely tipping point after North Carolina’s 13th District, analyst Nathaniel Rakich said in a FiveThirtyEight podcast. Rakich said it’s a good seat to watch because it has two reasonably strong candidates, Axne and Republican state Sen. Zach Nunn. Campaign ads mostly feature national issues, such as abortion and crime, rather than local ones.

“It’s the epitome of an everyday-American, average-Joe Congressional district,” Rakich said on a podcast on his website. “Republicans will have to beat some tough Democratic incumbents to have a majority or at least a sizeable majority.”

With the addition of Republican-trending rural counties, the district became easier for Republicans than in two previous races against Axne.

But Republicans are making a late surge in the blue state, led by gubernatorial candidate Rep. Lee Zeldin. His anti-crime message has resonated as New York City residents deal with a crime wave in the streets and subways.

Maloney is a 10-year incumbent in the neighboring 18th District but chose to run in the 17th District after redistricting. He has seen his lead against Republican Michael Lawler shrink. The Cook Political Report and Real Clear Politics have reclassified the race as a toss-up.

The Democrats have had to spend more and campaign harder for what was supposed to have been a safe seat. The DCCC spent $605,000 on an ad for Maloney last month, and former President Bill Clinton came to campaign for him.

Political science professor Shawn Donahue of the University at Buffalo said this is the race he watched most closely in the state.

“Maloney looks particularly vulnerable,” Donahue told The Epoch Times. “The Republicans are throwing money” at a race in a district Joe Biden won by 10 points over Donald Trump in 2020.

“If Maloney were to lose, he would be the biggest person to lose since Cantor.”

Eric Cantor of Virginia’s 7th District, the House majority leader from 2011 to 2014, lost a primary to economics professor Dave Brat in 2014 before resigning his leadership position and then his seat.

“As head of the party’s campaign committee, you‘d think you’d have your own race in the bag so you could concentrate on other cases around the country,” Donahue said of Maloney.

But this district in northwest Ohio, centered on Democratic stronghold Toledo, has, with redistricting, become more challenging for the party. It once stretched along the Lake Erie shoreline to include Democratic parts of the Cleveland area but has lost them while adding Republican-leaning rural areas west of Toledo. The DCCC has identified Kaptur’s seat as vulnerable.

The Cook Political Report has it leaning Democratic. But Real Clear Politics, which calls it a toss-up, notes that in the 2020 presidential race, voters here favored Donald Trump by almost 3 points over Joe Biden. FiveThirtyEight gives Kaptur a 76 percent chance of winning.

Majewski, 42, is an Air Force veteran and nuclear power plant manager.

The upset raised the chances this seat might flip to the Democrats, whose nominee is Grand Rapids attorney Hillary Scholten. Real Clear Politics rates this race, in a district Biden carried by 11 points, as a toss-up. Cook’s has it leaning Democratic, and FiveThirtyEight gives Scholten a 57 percent chance of victory.

Gibbs was one of the Republican candidates who were supported in the primaries by Democrats who pegged them as easier to beat in November. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee spent $435,000 promoting Gibbs over Meijer.

“We thought (Gibbs) was an easier candidate, and he has proven to be because he’s ... too conservative for Western Michigan,” Maloney told CNN’s Jake Tapper, defending the party’s tactics.

The district has been represented by Rep. Vicente Gonzalez (D-Texas). But after redistricting, he decided to run in the neighboring 34th District against Republican Rep. Mayra Flores (R-Texas). She made history in June by winning a special election to become the first Republican to represent the area in more than 100 years.

Vallejo, a Columbia grad supported by progressives such as Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), wants to make the district more “equitable”; supports abortion, “Medicare for all,” and “green energy”; and wants to offer “rights and opportunities” to illegal immigrants.

De La Cruz, who was raised by a single mother, put herself through the University of Texas. She’s pro-life, favors faith and family, ties Democratic policies to soaring inflation, and supports resuming President Donald Trump’s tough border policies. She has been endorsed by Trump and House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.). De La Cruz ran well against Gonzalez in 2020, losing by 6,588 votes.

Hispanics have begun moving toward Republicans recently, upsetting Democratic dependence upon them as part of their base. FiveThirtyEight analyst Galen Druke said in a podcast that he would be watching this race in an 80 percent Hispanic district to see how this trend, with national implications, is evolving.

But redistricting has helped the Republicans here, and newcomer Chris West is still in the race. Republicans hope a red wave on election night will help the young lawyer and real estate developer upset Bishop, the longest-serving member of the Georgia delegation. Bishop’s long record and deep roots in the district could help him hang on to win.

Real Clear Politics rates the district as a toss-up. Two most recent polls of likely voters, one by Insider Advantage and the other by Trafalgar Group, show Bishop up by 3 and 4 points, respectively, both within the margin of error. West’s campaign website states that it’s the only competitive race in the Deep South.

The district includes Columbus and Macon, small towns, farmland, and military bases such as the Army’s Fort Benning. Bishop’s House committee positions in agriculture, military, and veteran affairs have positioned him to serve constituents in those areas.

Charles Bullock, a University of Georgia political science professor, told The Epoch Times that Bishop had won reelection in the past when the district’s black population dropped to as low as 39 percent. It stands at 49 percent after redistricting.

Marci McCarthy, chairman of the DeKalb County Republican Party in the Atlanta metro area, said last week that black voters in the state’s rural areas hadn’t had a strong turnout in early voting up to that point.

It’s now an open seat after a moderate incumbent Kurt Schrader (D-Ore.) lost the primary to progressive candidate Jamie McLeod-Skinner. While Schrader was endorsed by President Joe Biden, the very progressive Warren endorsed McLeod-Skinner. The civil servant faces Lori Chavez-Deremer, a Republican and former mayor of the Portland suburb Happy Valley.

RealClearPolitics rates the race a toss-up. The Cook Political Report classifies it as leaning Republican. Biden won the district by 9 points in 2020.

Redistricting eliminated coastal areas that favored Schrader. It hasn’t necessarily made the district easier for a Republican, one of Chavez-Deremer’s campaign leaders, Ben Roche, told The Epoch Times. But the political climate on crime, energy, and education may favor Republicans.

Chavez-Deremer has campaigned as a moderate, someone who, as mayor, worked with both parties to fix civic problems. Roche said Portland’s suburbs, such as Happy Valley, have seen growing crime attributed to homeless drug addicts from Portland, a trend fed by the city’s progressive policies on homelessness and criminal justice. Portland was a center of Black Lives Matter protests in 2020 and of calls to defund the police.

Garcia will be in his third race against the same opponent, Christy Smith, whom he defeated in the 2020 general election by only 333 votes.

“It would be a stretch seat for Republicans normally,” the only seat the party holds in Los Angeles County, according to FiveThirtyEight editor Maya Sweedler, during a podcast when she picked it as a seat of crucial interest. “But if Garcia is running hot on election night, it will be notable for Republicans. I’m curious if Garcia can hang to this.”

FiveThirtyEight says Garcia is slightly favored, with a 65 percent chance to win. Real Clear Politics says the race leans Republican. The Cook Political Report labels it as a toss-up.

Garcia is a former Navy fighter pilot who then worked for Raytheon. Smith, a former California assemblywoman, has worked for the U.S. Department of Education.

While Trump didn’t endorse a candidate in the crowded Republican primary, he later supported Leavitt with an enthusiastic shout-out on Truth Social.

FiveThirtyEight terms Pappas as slightly favored to win, with a 65 percent chance of victory. Real Clear Politics, however, says it leans Republican, with it having gone for Trump over Biden by 1 point in 2020. The Cook Political Report calls it a toss-up.

Pappas co-chairs the Congressional LGBT Equality Caucus. He has campaigned on health care and lowering the cost of prescription drugs and said in a debate that he wants to modernize trucking and shipping regulations to “unkink supply chains.”

Leavitt told Fox News that she wanted to “really reach out to my generation of voters. ... I live among them, my friends, my former college roommates, my former colleagues who are really being indoctrinated by the left’s agenda and their messaging. We desperately need strong, conservative, youthful voices on our side of the aisle that are standing up for our country.”

Like many Republican and Democratic opponents around the country, the two have clashed on abortion, Biden’s economic policies, and the outcome of the 2020 election.